The Census Project Blog

by Terri Ann Lowenthal

In 1987, the new chairman of both the House census oversight subcommittee and the Congressional Black Caucus, Rep. Mervyn M. Dymally (D-CA), took one look at the draft 1990 census form and asked me, in his lovely lilting Caribbean voice, “Terri Ann, dear, why does the race category for Blacks include the term ‘Negro?’” He was a little incredulous, but after Census Bureau staff patiently explained the research behind the decision to include a term generally viewed as outdated, Chairman Dymally was satisfied and the matter didn’t generate much additional discussion.

In fact, it was another term tested for the race category that drew more ridicule; I recall a well-known Black leader remarking, “Afro American? Afro is a hairstyle, not a race!” Needless to say, that term was not included on the census form; instead, the Census Bureau added African American to “Black or Negro” in 2000.

“Negro” stayed on the form for 2010, despite the passage of many decades since the term was widely accepted and used to describe Black Americans (Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall used the word in his opinions). One reason: More than 56,000 respondents wrote in “Negro” on the 2000 form – almost half of them under age 45 — despite the term appearing alongside “Black” and “African American.” But now, many younger Blacks – who equate “Negro” with historic inequities and social subjugation; who might not even know that their grandparents’ birth certificates bear this racial identification – understandably are asking why.

A writer for TheGrio.com, an African American news site, raised the issue on The Rachel Maddow Show (MSNBC) on January 6. The public response was swift but as varied as the cultures that make up the Black experience in America. For a sample of reaction, I needed to look no further than my own social circles. My best friend e-mailed immediately and in horror: “Is this true? OMG!!!!” and later said she was inclined to ignore the whole exercise because her identity went beyond Black – her grandfathers were White and Hispanic; a great-grandfather was Portuguese. “Skip the race question,” I implored, “or check off all of the categories, but answer the d*?! census!” But this from our terrific southern Connecticut partnership specialist, who is Black: She patiently explained at a recent Complete Count Committee meeting that her extended family in the South never used the terms “Black” or “African American.” “They don’t relate to those words,” she told me.

Should census questions anticipate changing cultural and social mores on race, ethnicity, and ancestry? Yes … but those preferences are not clear-cut and are continually evolving. It’s also worth remembering, in the shadow of the King holiday, that we collect race data in the decennial census to help ensure compliance with the nation’s civil rights laws. Data that are murky or not easily understood in the context of historical discrimination might not reveal a clear picture for effective monitoring and enforcement.

To some extent, the Census Bureau will always be behind the curve, given that research and testing start before the previous census ends and since questions are finalized several years before each count. And no small matter: Preferred descriptions of identity often don’t fit neatly into a scientifically designed questionnaire. Nevertheless, Census staff must start working closely with all race and ethnic communities now, to understand how each population views itself and to evaluate a wide range of options for measuring the tapestry that is America, without undermining overarching civil rights goals or the statistical integrity of the data.

Conversations about race inevitably generate an endless range of opinions and deeply felt emotions. But translating distaste for terminology into a boycott, when it’s too late to change the form, is not useful. The only helpful driving emotions now should be anger at the historic inequity of a differential undercount in the census, and a passion to overcome it. With enough energy directed toward that goal, we can make real progress in restoring fair political representation and access to public and private resources that improve the quality of life for all communities.